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© The Arctic Institute & Malte Humpert and on-the-ground engagement lie sig- ited Western investment in 2014 and cut Energies announced its withdrawal ni? cant differences in priorities, strate- it off in 2022, Chinese ? nancing became in June 2024 under Western pressure, gies, and trust levels. more vital for Russia’s Arctic oil and but by August, Chinese ships were co-

China’s Arctic ambitions began to gas projects. In July 2023, the two coun- vertly delivering massive power-gener- take shape in the early 2010s, motivated tries launched a regular shipping corri- ation modules to the Russian site, even by its reliance on maritime shipping and dor through Arctic waters, completing changing vessel names mid-route to energy imports. In 2013, after agreeing 80 voyages in its ? rst year. avoid detection.

to respect Arctic sovereignty and navi- The Arctic LNG 2 project demon- The 13th China–Russia Arctic Work- gation rules, Beijing secured observer strates the fragility — and resilience — shop in October 2024 further revealed status on the Arctic Council. Its 2018 of such cooperation. The $20+ billion underlying differences. Russian partici-

Arctic white paper formally declared venture was sanctioned by the United pants emphasized military cooperation

China a “near-Arctic state” and inte- States in late 2023. China’s Wison New and resource development, while Chi- grated the region into the Belt and Road

Initiative as the “Polar Silk Road.” Of- ? cially, China emphasizes scienti? c re- search, environmental protection, and commercial activities — with no public mention of military ambitions. Russia, by contrast, treats the Arctic as a sov- ereign domain. Its priorities center on resource exploitation, military presence, and the Northern Sea Route (NSR) as a domestic shipping lane.

This divergence has historically lim- ited cooperation outside of energy proj- ects. Yet mutual needs have kept certain partnerships alive. After sanctions lim- www.marinelink.com 25

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